TD In Nigeria today a man is on trial for one word. Omoyele Sowore is being prosecuted under the Cybercrimes Act because he called the President a criminal on social media.
The DSS now wants that case paused until after the 16 January 2027 election. I will not use the word. I will use the record.
Section 308 of the Constitution means no court can try a sitting president, so the record waits for the day the immunity ends. Read these counts as an indictment drafted in advance.
Count One: The Seizure Of Rivers State
On 18 March 2025 he suspended an elected governor, deputy governor and House of Assembly and installed a retired admiral as sole administrator.
Femi Falana found no basis for it anywhere in the Constitution. The Supreme Court backed him six to one, with Justice Ogbuinya dissenting.
One lawyer’s reading of the judgment is that a president may now suspend all 36 governors at once.
My father helped found that state. A court made this legal. Nothing will make it legitimate.
Count Two: The Laws Nobody Passed
The National Assembly ordered the 2025 Tax Reform Acts re-gazetted after a review confirmed the published versions differed from what lawmakers passed.
A House minority panel found inserted provisions, including a 20 per cent deposit before a taxpayer can appeal, and powers of arrest and asset sale without a court order.
The Clerk’s office says any change happened outside the legislature. Taiwo Oyedele denies any alteration.
If someone knowingly altered an Act after assent, that is forgery of the law itself. Nobody has been named and nobody has been charged.
Count Three: The Jet Without A Vote
Section 80 says no money leaves the treasury without appropriation. Daily Trust found no National Assembly approval before the Airbus A330 was bought.
Senator Abaribe says no request ever reached the chamber. Premium Times reported the money came from a service-wide contingency vote.
The Presidency insists approval was sought. Let them publish it.
Count Four: The $13 Billion Highway
The Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway went to Chagoury-linked Hitech without open competitive bidding, which the Public Procurement Act requires.
The President’s son sits on a Chagoury company board. The contracts remain unpublished.
Count Five: The Absent President
Daily Trust’s tally puts him abroad for 261 days. On 30 August he left again for Europe.
Section 145 requires a letter transferring power to the Vice President, and none was transmitted. I ask again who signs for Nigeria.
Count Six: The Secret Assets
The Fifth Schedule obliges him to declare his assets. He has never published the declaration.
The 1993 Chicago forfeiture of $460,000 stands on the US court record, and on 28 August his lawyers asked a Washington judge to keep the FBI and DEA files redacted.
A civil forfeiture is not a conviction, but an innocent man does not fight to keep files that could clear him sealed.
Count Seven: Detention Without Trial
He suspended the EFCC chairman, and the DSS then held Abdulrasheed Bawa for 134 days without trial. Falana says the law caps remand at 56 days.
When a court granted Godwin Emefiele bail, DSS officers invaded the court and defied the order. The DSS says it obeyed every order.
Count Eight: Bloody August
Amnesty International documented at least 24 protesters killed by police in August 2024 and more than 1,200 detained, including minors.
Thirty children were charged with treason. Some collapsed in the dock. He freed them only after the world saw the pictures.
The police deny the killings. No officer has been jailed.
Count Nine: Criminalising Speech
SERAP was ordered to pay ₦100 million in damages in May 2026, and it has appealed.
That followed a DSS visit to its office the day after it asked him to probe NNPC. The DSS went to court to stop Pat Utomi’s shadow government.
Amnesty’s legal adviser calls it the weaponisation of the criminal justice system against dissent. This is why I call for a Dele Giwa Law.
Count Ten: Mercy For Traffickers
His October 2025 pardon list of 175 names included people convicted of murder, drug trafficking and human trafficking.
A man serving life for cocaine was among them. After the outrage, the list shrank to 120. Nobody has explained who drew up the first list.
Count Eleven: Remi Tinubu
The Constitution recognises no Office of the First Lady. ₦1.5 billion for vehicles for that office still appeared in the 2023 supplementary budget.
The Senate later said the money was meant for the Presidency. GovSpend tracked about ₦701 million spent on her trips to five countries in three months.
Daily Trust asks who funds her multi-billion-naira donations when she runs no registered foundation.
She says the money was donated. Nobody has said who donated it or under what law, and nobody has audited it. Who elected her?
Count Twelve: Seyi Tinubu
He sat in the Federal Executive Council chamber without holding any office. He reportedly flew a presidential jet to a Kano polo match.
Bloomberg traced a $10.8 million London mansion to a company of his. Student leader Atiku Isah alleged a ₦100 million bribe offer, then abduction and beating. Seyi calls it all fiction.
A retraction appeared in Isah’s name. Isah then sued Seyi, the DSS and the NTA for ₦38.3 billion, alleging kidnapping and two weeks of unlawful detention. Let the court decide.
Still Before The Courts
Atiku’s suit FHC/ABJ/CS/1888/2026 alleges a forged certificate. Tinubu and the APC deny it. It returns on 28 September.
The Kio Solution Demands
One: publish the asset declarations of the President, his wife and his son.
Two: publish every Chagoury contract and order a forensic audit.
Three: hold a judicial inquiry into the altered tax laws and refer it for prosecution.
Four: open an independent inquiry into the August 2024 killings.
Five: apply the Isabel Precedent, so that foreign courts freeze first and ask questions after.
These are allegations and public records, not convictions. Every denial is noted above. The reckoning must come by law, ballot and ledger, never by the mob.
Nigeria belongs to Nigerians.
